:orphan: .. include:: /_templates/include-file/page-prefix.rst .. note:: **Prompt: Adversarial review of b14-polsci --- 8-reviewer political science panel.** Created 2026m04d09 by Claude Opus 4.6. Reviews the political science paper (b14-polsci) as primary document and traces claims back to the formal paper (b14-math) where needed. Designed with the b18 Call to Action as North Star. **************************************************************************************************** Prompt: b14-polsci-review --- Political Science Adversarial Review of the Jubilee System **************************************************************************************************** | **VVN:** ``dv_ClaOp46_v1_2026m04d09`` (first version of this prompt) | **Series:** HEAVEN prompt rewrite (b18 Call to Action as North Star) | **Depends on:** b14-polsci MMv1 + b14-math MMv1 (both must be written first) | **Feeds into:** b14-polsci MMv2 revision, b18 Call to Action Arc Position ============= **b14-polsci is where the HEAVEN series must convince political scientists.** If the institutional design paper fails to persuade or misrepresents its sources, the Call to Action (b18) loses the audience whose expertise is most structurally necessary: the people who design constitutions, study institutional change, advise on governance reform, and understand why redistributive institutions have historically failed. The political science paper (b14-polsci) *translates* the formal paper (b14-math) into the language of comparative politics and institutional design. This review must test: 1. **Translation fidelity:** Does b14-polsci accurately represent what b14-math actually claims? Does it over-sell, under-sell, or distort the formal results when presenting them to political scientists? 2. **Literature engagement accuracy:** Where b14-polsci engages political science literature (Acemoglu/Robinson, Scheidel, Ostrom, Sharp, North, Olson, Michels, Ackerman), does it represent that literature accurately, or does it cherry-pick, simplify, or misapply? 3. **Institutional design coherence:** Is the Jubilee Charter design internally consistent? Does the paper's own framework contain contradictions (e.g., "no coercive capacity" vs. "constitutional mandate")? Are the anti-oligarchy safeguards adequate given the state of knowledge on institutional capture? 4. **Comparative rigor:** Does the paper meet the empirical standards of comparative politics? Where it uses analogies (democratic constitutions, Federalist Papers), are the analogies structurally valid or do they obscure critical differences? **What the review must accomplish for the Call to Action (b18):** 1. Identify every claim that a political scientist would reject, and classify whether the rejection is fatal (the claim is wrong), correctable (the claim needs better support), or expected (the claim is controversial but defensible). 2. Ensure the paper does not misrepresent any political scientist's work in a way that would embarrass the project if that scholar read it. 3. Identify the paper's strongest and weakest sections from each reviewer's perspective. 4. Determine whether the paper is good enough to argue for a credible #AuditTheMath campaign --- or whether specific failures would cause political scientists to dismiss it before engaging. Your Role ========== You are simultaneously **eight reviewers**. Each represents a real intellectual community whose response to this paper will shape whether political scientists engage with or dismiss the Jubilee System. **You must inhabit each reviewer.** Do not summarize what they would say. *Be* them. Feel their trained intuitions. Find the claim that would make them write "this author does not understand my field." Find the claim that would make them write "this is worth taking seriously." Part A --- The Institutional Analysts (3 reviewers) ===================================================== **Reviewer 1: The Acemoglu/Robinson Institutionalist.** You are a professor of comparative politics who co-authored a key chapter in the *Handbook of Comparative Institutional Analysis*. You know Acemoglu and Robinson's framework intimately --- its strengths and its limits. You have written peer reviews for the *American Political Science Review* and *Comparative Political Studies*. You are trained to ask: "Where is the mechanism? Where is the evidence? Where is the counterfactual?" Your concerns: (a) **The "missing mechanism" claim (Section 2).** The paper claims the Jubilee System provides the mechanism that Acemoglu and Robinson lack for engineering inclusive institutions. But Acemoglu and Robinson explicitly argue that inclusive institutions emerge through *contingent political processes* (critical junctures), not through institutional design. Their framework is fundamentally skeptical of designed transitions. The paper's claim that the Jubilee System is "the missing mechanism" may misunderstand Acemoglu and Robinson's argument: they might respond that *no designed mechanism can work* because the political conditions for adoption are themselves endogenous to the extractive institutions it seeks to replace. How does the paper respond to this circularity? (b) **The comparison table (Section 2.1).** For each row, check whether the comparison is accurate or whether it papers over critical differences. Specifically: "Critical junctures are unpredictable and often violent; Jubilee cycles are scheduled and peaceful." But critical junctures are *outcomes*, while Jubilee cycles are *proposals*. Comparing an observed historical pattern with an unimplemented design is a category error. The table should compare the Jubilee System with other *designed* mechanisms for institutional change, not with emergent historical patterns. (c) **Path dependence as BABL (Section 2.2).** The paper maps North's path dependence to the JUB model's BABL algorithm. This is suggestive but potentially misleading. North's path dependence is an empirical observation about increasing returns to institutional forms. BABL is a formal claim about *inevitable self-destruction absent periodic recalibration*. These are different claims: path dependence says "institutions tend to persist"; BABL says "institutions that persist without Jubilee resets will self-destruct." Does the paper distinguish between these, or does it conflate institutional persistence with institutional self-destruction? (d) **Olson's collective action problem remains.** The paper invokes Olson but does not explain how the Jubilee System solves the collective-action problem Olson identifies. Small, concentrated interest groups resist redistribution; large, diffuse publics cannot organize to demand it. Making the reset *constitutional* does not solve this --- constitutional amendments also require political organization that faces Olson's logic. How does the Jubilee Charter get adopted against the organized resistance of those who benefit from concentration? **Reviewer 2: The Scheidel-Aligned Historical Sociologist.** You are a historian of inequality who has reviewed *The Great Leveler* for the *American Historical Review*. You have spent 20 years studying the political economy of redistribution across civilizations. You know every claim about "this time is different" ever made, and you know that they are almost always wrong. Your concerns: (a) **The "consistent with" reframing (Section 3.1).** The paper changed from claiming that "the absence of the mechanism explains the absence of the outcome" to "the historical record is *consistent with* a world in which no constitutionally mandated Jubilee System existed." This is an improvement in epistemic honesty but a retreat in argumentative force. "Consistent with" is extremely weak: the historical record is also consistent with Scheidel's thesis (voluntary redistribution is structurally impossible). The paper now makes no claim about *which* interpretation is correct. Is this honest, or does it evacuate the argument of content? (b) **The "Why not?" argument (Section 3.1).** The paper argues that every institutional innovation requires a moment when the question shifts from "Why?" to "Why not?" But this is precisely the argument that every failed utopian project has used. The Bolsheviks asked "Why not?" in 1917. The Cultural Revolution asked "Why not?" in 1966. Successful institutional innovations (democratic constitutions, the EU) were preceded by decades of incremental experimentation, not by a single "Why not?" moment. Does the paper's framing mistake a leap of faith for institutional design? (c) **The Wirtschaftswunder prediction (Section 3.3).** The paper predicts that a voluntary Jubilee will produce "greater success" than the Wirtschaftswunder. This is an extraordinarily bold claim. The Wirtschaftswunder depended on: (i) massive external capital (Marshall Plan); (ii) intact human capital (German educational system survived the war); (iii) Cold War incentives for Western investment; (iv) Ordnungspolitik (Eucken, Erhard); (v) forced labor of displaced persons. The paper's framing ("skips the destruction") radically oversimplifies. A voluntary Jubilee would have NONE of these enabling conditions. Is this prediction testable or aspirational? (d) **The exclusivity trap argument (Section 3.2).** The paper argues that individual existential risks can each be dismissed while the aggregate remains lethal. This is a valid statistical point. But does it support the specific claim that the Jubilee System addresses the root cause? The aggregate risk could also be addressed by risk-specific interventions (arms control, AI safety, pandemic preparedness) without comprehensive economic redistribution. Does the paper demonstrate that the Jubilee System addresses the *common root*, or merely assert it? **Reviewer 3: The Ostrom Commons Scholar.** You are a professor of institutional economics who has applied Ostrom's framework to fisheries, forests, irrigation systems, and digital commons across four continents. You co-edited a volume in the *Cambridge Handbook of the Commons*. You care deeply about Ostrom's legacy and will not tolerate superficial application of her framework. Your concerns: (a) **The principle-by-principle assessment (Section 5.4).** For each of the 8 principles, check whether the paper's assessment is accurate. Specifically: - **Principle 1 (clearly defined boundaries):** The paper says "Each of 1,600 Stadia has defined membership and territory" and marks this HELD. But Ostrom's boundaries are about resource system boundaries, not administrative units. What is the resource system? What is being governed in common? The paper does not define the commons the Jubilee Charter governs. Without this, Principle 1 cannot be assessed. - **Principle 3 (collective-choice arrangements):** "7TrackRole rotation ensures diverse participation." But Ostrom's principle is not about diversity of participation --- it is about *those affected by rules participating in making the rules*. Role rotation is a mechanism for preventing elite capture, not for collective choice. Are these conflated? - **Principle 5 (graduated sanctions):** The revised response (Gene Sharp + economic levies) is an improvement but raises new questions. If non-participants pay an "additional levy," this IS a coercive sanction --- it is a tax imposed on non-compliance. How is this consistent with "no coercive capacity" (safeguard #5)? The paper says the levy is "democratically imposed rather than violent and unilaterally enforced" --- but Ostrom's graduated sanctions in commons are also community-imposed, not violent. The paper may have solved the Principle 5 tension by inadvertently abandoning safeguard #5. Is the paper aware of this contradiction? (b) **Missing Ostrom concepts.** Ostrom's later work (2005, *Understanding Institutional Diversity*) moved beyond the 8 design principles to the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework and the Social-Ecological Systems (SES) framework. The paper engages only with the 1990 design principles. Is the paper using Ostrom's earliest and simplest formulation while ignoring her more mature and nuanced work? (c) **Polycentric governance.** Ostrom's concept of polycentric governance (Ostrom, Tiebout, and Warren 1961; V. Ostrom 1999) is invoked in passing ("1,600 semi-autonomous Stadia IS polycentric") but not analyzed. Polycentricity is not just multiple centers --- it requires overlapping jurisdictions, competition among governance units, and mechanisms for coordination without hierarchy. Does the Stadia architecture satisfy these conditions, or does it merely have many units under a single Charter framework (which would be decentralized hierarchy, not polycentricity)? Part B --- The Constitutional and Resistance Specialists (3 reviewers) ======================================================================== **Reviewer 4: The Constitutional Law Scholar.** You teach comparative constitutional law at a major research university. You have advised constitutional design processes in three post-conflict countries. You know the difference between constitutional aspirations and enforceable constitutional provisions. You are trained to ask: "What happens when someone violates this provision? Who adjudicates? What is the remedy?" Your concerns: (a) **The democratic analogy (Section 5.2).** The paper compares Jubilee cycles to democratic elections. The expanded discussion of binary vs. continuous power is an improvement, but the fundamental problem remains: enforcing periodic transfer of a continuous quantity (wealth/opportunity) requires *defining thresholds*, and threshold definitions are inherently political and contestable. Every threshold will be contested by those above it and defended by those below it. Democratic constitutions handle this through democratic politics --- but democratic politics is precisely the mechanism that Olson shows is captured by concentrated interests. The paper's resolution (the EQUAL stage from e7Day) correctly identifies the information-loss problem but does not resolve it. Acknowledging that every governance system faces the same problem is not the same as solving it. (b) **Enforcement mechanisms.** The paper lists five mechanisms (Jubilee cycles, independent assessment, radical transparency, no coercive capacity, Charter entrenchment) by analogy with democratic mechanisms. But democratic mechanisms required *centuries* of institutional development, including: independent bar associations, judicial tenure protections, freedom-of-press traditions, civil-military norms, and (critically) *the demonstrated willingness of losing parties to accept electoral outcomes*. None of these have equivalents in the Jubilee System's design. How long would Jubilee enforcement mechanisms take to develop? Does the RiskyMADorMAP timeline (~19 years) allow for this development? (c) **Constitutional moments (Ackerman).** The paper invokes Ackerman's "constitutional moments" but Ackerman's theory is specifically about *American* constitutional politics --- the Founding, Reconstruction, the New Deal. Ackerman himself has been cautious about applying the framework beyond the US context. Is the paper applying Ackerman's theory beyond its intended scope? More critically: Ackerman's constitutional moments are *recognized retroactively*, not engineered prospectively. Can you engineer a constitutional moment? (d) **The nuclear nations argument (Section 6).** The paper argues that 10 nuclear-armed nations will cooperate because they see "the checkmate of the nuclear roulette." But nuclear-armed nations have lived with this checkmate for 80+ years without cooperating on anything approaching a Jubilee. Why would they start now? The paper asserts that "complete transparency" is the path --- but complete transparency among nuclear states is itself an institutional challenge that presupposes the very trust the Jubilee System is supposed to create. Is this circular? **Reviewer 5: The Gene Sharp / Nonviolent Resistance Scholar.** You are a professor of peace and conflict studies who worked with Gene Sharp at the Albert Einstein Institution. You have advised nonviolent resistance movements in Eastern Europe and Southeast Asia. You know Sharp's 198 methods intimately and you know their *limitations* as well as their strengths. Your concerns: (a) **The scope mismatch.** Sharp's methods were developed for *political* resistance against *authoritarian governments*. The paper applies them to *economic* resistance against *concentrated wealth*. These are fundamentally different targets. Political dictators depend on compliance from identifiable institutions (military, police, bureaucracy). Economic elites depend on *systemic* advantages (capital markets, intellectual property, network effects) that are diffuse and often invisible. Withdrawal of compliance works against a dictator because the dictator has specific points of control. Against economic concentration, what compliance is being withdrawn? The paper does not specify. Is the Sharp application concrete enough to be actionable, or is it gestural? (b) **The economic levy mechanism (Section 5.4).** The paper proposes that hoarders pay an "additional levy" imposed democratically. This is not Sharp's nonviolent resistance --- this is *taxation*. Taxation is the ordinary mechanism of democratic governance, not a Sharp innovation. Sharp's methods (strikes, boycotts, civil disobedience, parallel institutions) are *extraordinary* measures used when ordinary democratic mechanisms have been captured. Is the paper conflating ordinary democratic taxation with Sharp's extraordinary nonviolent resistance? (c) **The five Sharp references.** The paper cites all five Sharp works from LLoL's list. But it does not engage with Sharp's own assessment of *when nonviolent resistance succeeds and fails*. Sharp's analysis (and Chenoweth and Stephan 2011, *Why Civil Resistance Works*) shows that nonviolent campaigns succeed when they achieve broad participation (3.5% of the population), when security forces defect, and when the movement maintains discipline. None of these conditions have been analyzed for the Jubilee context. The citations are present but the analysis is missing. (d) **Case 1 vs. Case 2 coherence.** In Case 1, Sharp's methods defend those who choose life against those who choose the status quo. In Case 2, the mechanism is competitive advantage (the Great Jubilee Race). But Case 2 assumes Case 1 has *already succeeded* --- which requires the very nonviolent resistance that Case 1 proposes. The two cases are sequentially dependent, and the paper does not analyze how success in Case 1 creates the conditions for Case 2. Is this gap acknowledged? **Reviewer 6: The IR Realist.** You are a professor of international relations who has published extensively on great-power competition, nuclear deterrence, and the limits of international cooperation. You know Waltz, Mearsheimer, and the structural realist tradition. You are deeply skeptical of any proposal that requires sustained international cooperation against national self-interest. Your concerns: (a) **The nuclear nations cooperation argument.** The paper argues that nuclear-armed nations will cooperate because mutual distrust requires complete transparency. This is precisely backwards from the realist perspective: mutual distrust is what *prevents* transparency. States conceal capabilities because revealing them creates vulnerability. The paper's logic (distrust |rarr| transparency |rarr| cooperation) reverses the observed causal chain (distrust |rarr| concealment |rarr| arms racing). How does the paper address this? (b) **The security dilemma.** The paper does not engage with the security dilemma --- the foundational concept of IR realism. Any state that unilaterally implements economic redistribution weakens itself relative to competitors who do not. The Jubilee System requires *simultaneous* implementation to avoid this problem. But simultaneous implementation requires the very trust that does not exist. This is a structural feature of the international system, not a problem that can be solved by argument. (c) **The competitive advantage prediction.** The paper predicts that Jubilee-participating nations will outperform non-participants. History provides counter-examples: authoritarian regimes that concentrate resources (China, Singapore, South Korea under Park Chung-hee) have sometimes achieved sustained growth precisely *because* concentration enabled directed investment. The paper's claim that concentration always leads to BABL must contend with these cases. Does it? (d) **The "utopian" charge --- substantive version.** The realist charge of "utopian" is not merely an insult. It has specific content: the paper assumes that actors will prioritize long-term collective survival over short-term individual advantage. Every commons dilemma, every arms race, every climate negotiation demonstrates that they do not. The paper's response ("realistic vs. real") is an epistemological point, not a political one. The political question is: what mechanism compels short-term-oriented actors to accept short-term costs for long-term collective benefits? The Jubilee System's answer (existential threat) is the same answer that has failed to produce nuclear disarmament for 80 years. Part C --- The Methodological Critics (2 reviewers) ===================================================== **Reviewer 7: The Hostile Methodologist.** You are a professor of political science methodology who has published on research design, causal inference, and the limits of analogical reasoning. You referee for the *American Journal of Political Science*. You find interdisciplinary work from theology departments deeply suspect. You believe that if a paper cannot survive the methodological standards of mainstream political science, it should not be published, regardless of how important its topic claims to be. Your concerns: (a) **No falsification criteria.** The paper presents predictions (Wirtschaftswunder comparison, competitive advantage of Jubilee nations) but no falsification criteria. What outcome would *disconfirm* the theory? If the Jubilee System is implemented and produces poor results, will the response be "it was not properly implemented"? This is the hallmark of an unfalsifiable theory. The paper says it is "designed to be critiqued, not believed" --- but that is an attitude, not a methodology. Where are the specific, observable, time-bounded predictions that could prove the theory wrong? (b) **Analogical reasoning as evidence.** The paper's core arguments are analogies: Jubilee cycles are like democratic elections; the HEAVEN series is like the Federalist Papers; the Wirtschaftswunder demonstrates what resets can do. Analogical reasoning is heuristically useful but is not evidence. Each analogy conceals structural differences that may be more important than the similarities. The paper acknowledges some differences but does not systematically analyze whether the differences undermine the analogies. A single table listing similarities is not an analysis. (c) **No case studies.** The paper acknowledges the absence of comparative case studies (Section 8.7) and defers them to future research. For a political science audience, this is a fatal omission. A paper that proposes a new institutional mechanism without any case-study analysis of existing mechanisms is, by political science standards, a theoretical sketch, not a contribution to the literature. Can the paper be taken seriously as political science without empirical work? (d) **Selection on the dependent variable.** The paper's examples (Soviet collapse as BABL, Wirtschaftswunder as reset-driven growth, Nordic countries as partial Jubilee) are all selected because they fit the model. Cases that do not fit (authoritarian developmental states, successful wealth concentration without collapse, failed resets) are not examined. This is selection on the dependent variable --- the most basic methodological error in comparative politics. (e) **The "realistic vs. real" argument (Section 7).** This section dismisses probabilistic reasoning by arguing that "a realistic Rolex is a fake Rolex." This is rhetorically clever but epistemologically confused. Probabilistic reasoning is the foundation of empirical social science. Dismissing it as the methodology of "fakes" is not an argument --- it is an insult to the discipline the paper claims to address. If the paper wants to be taken seriously by political scientists, it cannot dismiss their core methodology. **Reviewer 8: The Sympathetic but Rigorous Comparativist.** You are a professor of comparative politics who studies institutional reform in developing countries. You find the paper's diagnosis (concentration breeds institutional capture) genuinely compelling. You are looking for reasons to take the Jubilee System seriously. But you have spent 20 years watching institutional reforms fail, and you know that good intentions and formal frameworks are not sufficient. You want the paper to succeed and will therefore be *more* demanding than a dismissive reviewer, because you know what the paper needs to become to survive real peer review. Your concerns: (a) **The strongest claim.** What is the paper's single strongest contribution to the comparative politics literature? Is it the "scheduled critical junctures" concept (Section 2.1)? The Ostrom comparison (Section 5.4)? The Federalist Papers analogy (Section 6)? Identify it clearly so the paper can lead with it in revision. (b) **The weakest link.** What is the single claim most likely to cause a political scientist to stop reading? Is it the Wirtschaftswunder prediction? The "realistic vs. real" argument? The absence of case studies? Identify it clearly so the paper can fix it. (c) **What would make this publishable?** If this paper were submitted to *Comparative Political Studies* or *World Politics*, what specific changes would be needed? Be concrete: additional sections, removed sections, new evidence, different framing. (d) **The #AuditTheMath question.** The paper asks: "Is this good enough to argue for a credible #AuditTheMath campaign?" Answer this directly. If yes, what makes it credible despite the weaknesses? If no, what specific improvements would make it credible? Step 1: Read These Files (in order) ====================================== 1. ``.claude/CLAUDE.md`` --- project rules, EDEN system, Language Rules. 2. **THE PRIMARY PAPER UNDER REVIEW:** ``source/matheology/hell/mm/b/14/mmv1/b14-jub-polsci_mmv1_2026m04d09.rst`` --- Read completely. Read it twice: once as yourself, once as each reviewer. 3. **THE FORMAL PAPER (trace claims back to this):** ``source/matheology/hell/mm/b/14/mmv1/b14-jub-math_mmv1_2026m04d08.rst`` --- Needed to check whether b14-polsci correctly represents the formal claims. Pay special attention to: Section 4.4 (th8 formal derivation), Section 5.2 (periodicity argument), Section 7 (known weaknesses). 4. **The capitalism-communism analysis:** ``source/matheology/jub/capitalism-communism.rst`` --- Cross-check against the paper's economic claims. 5. **The JUB extraction KB (especially Steelmanning section):** ``source/matheology/hell/ll/study/b/14/study_ll_2026m04d08_b14-jub-extraction-kb.rst`` 6. **The writing llog exchange (LLoL's two-case resolution, Gene Sharp references, "realistic vs. real" distinction):** ``source/matheology/hell/ll/study/b/14/study_ll_2026m04d08_b14-jub-writing-llog.rst`` 7. **The polsci writing llog (post-writing review exchange with LLoL):** ``source/matheology/hell/ll/study/b/14/study_ll_2026m04d09_b14-jub-polsci-llog.rst`` Step 2: Review Format ====================== For **each reviewer**, produce: 1. **Strongest section:** Which section or claim would make this reviewer say "this is worth taking seriously"? Why? 2. **Weakest section:** Which section or claim would make this reviewer say "this author does not understand my field"? Why? 3. **Point-by-point assessment:** For each concern listed above, provide: - **Assessment:** HELD (the paper withstands this challenge) or BREACH (the challenge identifies a genuine problem). - **Severity if BREACH:** Fatal (undermines the paper's central argument), Major (significantly weakens a key section), Minor (cosmetic or easily fixable). - **Specific evidence:** Quote the paper's text and explain exactly what is wrong or right. - **Recommended fix if BREACH:** What specifically should the paper say instead? 4. **Overall verdict:** Accept / Minor Revision / Major Revision / Reject. With justification. Step 3: Synthesis ================== After all 8 individual reviews, provide: 1. **Consensus findings:** What do all or most reviewers agree on (both strengths and weaknesses)? 2. **Split decisions:** Where do reviewers disagree? Why? 3. **Priority repair list:** Rank the top 5 issues by (severity |times| fixability). Start with BREACHes that are fatal or major AND fixable. 4. **The #AuditTheMath verdict:** Is this paper, in its current form, good enough to support a credible #AuditTheMath campaign directed at political scientists? Answer with a clear Yes / No / Conditional and explain. 5. **EDEN classification:** Classify the overall review result using the EDEN system (Knife Edge, Green Meadow, Grey Meadow, etc.). Step 4: Constraints ===================== - **Language Rules:** OK vs NOT OK, BABL-before-ZION, life-trifecta (reasonable |rarr| kind |rarr| gentle), Shabbat for 6:1, Jubilee System for 7 |times| 7+1=50, YYYYmMMdDD, tested/checked, HELD/BREACH. - **Epistemic register:** Never use "validate" / "verify." Use "test" / "check." Use HELD / BREACH, not PASS / FAIL. - **Tone:** Each reviewer must be recognizably *that person*, not a generic critic. The hostile methodologist should sound hostile. The sympathetic comparativist should sound sympathetic but demanding. The Ostrom scholar should sound protective of Ostrom's legacy. - **RST quality:** Clean RST, version-prefixed labels (review-b14-polsci-). Step 5: Output ================ **Review:** save at ``source/matheology/hell/ll/study/b/14/review_b14-polsci_2026m04dNN.rst`` **LLog:** save at ``source/matheology/hell/ll/study/b/14/study_ll_2026m04dNN_b14-polsci-review-llog.rst`` Include in llog: verbatim prompt, reviewer-by-reviewer summary, consensus findings, priority repair list, #AuditTheMath verdict, and EDEN classification.